Washington Post, Newsweek disseminate false information on behalf of Turkish government

Please find below:

(1) Brief excerpts from an interview with Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit published in The Washington Post (a version of this interview was also published in Newsweek);

(2) A letter of protest by the American Hellenic Media Project (AHMP) forwarded to the Post and Newsweek asking to i) afford equal time to submissions correcting Ecevit's serious misstatements of fact, and ii) afford equal time for comparable interviews with the leaders of the Cypriot and the Greek governments;

(3) E-mail contact information for concerned individuals and organizations to contact the Post and Newsweek;

(4) The full text of Ecevit's interview as published in the Post;

(5) The full text of Ecevit's interview as published in Newsweek; and

(6) A letter to the editor of the Post from AHMP (a similar letter was forwarded to the editor of Newsweek).

(For "fair use" and educational purposes only)

(1)

The Washington Post

Q & A Turkey's Prime Optimist

Sunday, October 24, 1999; Page B01

"At age 74, Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit may turn out to be Turkey's Tony Blair. A former anti-American socialist who took office in April, Ecevit is a changed man. . . . When you met with President Clinton at the White House, did you agree to jump-start the talks on Cyprus?

We didn't go into details. He said that a return to the pre-1974 conditions could not be contemplated. [Cyprus has been divided into Turkish and Greek sectors since 1974, when Turkey sent troops to protect Turkish Cypriots after a short-lived coup by supporters of union with Greece.] . . . Won't some kind of talks on Cyprus have to be underway for Greece not to veto Turkey's entry into the EU?

We don't believe that a serious problem exists on Cyprus. Before the Turkish action in 1974, there was constant conflict on the island--either genocide against the Turks or fractional conflicts between different Greek groups. Since then, there has been uninterrupted peace.

Would you like to see a settlement of the Cyprus conflict?

I would certainly like a settlement to be reached, not only in Cyprus but between Turkey and Greece. But we cannot afford to take the risk of another genocide against Turks on the island, particularly after the tragedies we witnessed in Kosovo. Our suggestion is [to recognize] the undeniable fact that there are two completely independent states on the island. Diplomatic recognition may not be given, but it should be acknowledged that there are two autonomous entities."

(2)

American Hellenic Media Project
P.O. Box 1150
New York, N.Y. 10028-0008
ahmp@hri.org
www.ahmp.org

October 26, 1999 Dear Mr. Downe [Leonard Downe is Executive Editor of The Washington Post]:

Lally Weymouth's interview with Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit ("Turkey's Prime Optimist", Sunday, 10/24; p. B1) read far more like official Turkish government newspeak than an impartial interview from a credible news source. That the same interview is featured in Newsweek with many of Ecevit's responses clearly altered ("Everybody Has to Change", 11/1) raises ethical questions concerning the revision of Ecevit's original answers in either or both versions of the interview.

Moreover, Weymouth's interview gave free and uncritical reign to Ecevit's torturing of Cypriot history. One wonders whether the Post would have offered the same platform, and transparent deference, to Iraq's Saddam Hussein, Indonesia's late General Suharto or to any other number of heads of militarily-controlled governments seeking to justify their invasion and occupation of a foreign country through the use of patently misleading information.

Ecevit's absurd claim, that Turkish atrocities against Cypriot Greeks were justified to prevent a "genocide" of Cyprus' Turkish minority, employs the same tactic used by the Turkish state to deny its genocide of Armenians and Pontian Greeks earlier this century, and to justify its ethnic cleansing of millions of Kurds today: blame the victim. As with its apologia of widespread human rights violations in Cyprus, Turkey continues to maintain that it was the Armenians who committed a genocide against Turks, and has even recently manufactured a genocide museum to this end.

Even more troubling than the Post's uncritical publication of Ecevit's many misrepresentations of fact is the Post's insertion of the erroneous statement that "[Cyprus has been divided into Turkish and Greek sectors since 1974, when Turkey sent troops to protect Turkish Cypriots]". Cyprus is divided into the Republic of Cyprus, which is unanimously recognized by the international community as the legitimate government of the whole of Cyprus, and into the occupied territory, whose puppet regime remains unrecognized by any other nation.

Inter-communal fighting had ended years before Turkey's 1974 invasion and after beleaguered Turkish Cypriots had already seceded into autonomous enclaves. The Greek-backed coup which served as the pretext for Turkey's invasion was a bid for control of Cyprus' government and not a campaign to attack Cyprus' Turkish minority—the Turkish Cypriot community was neither harmed nor targeted during the failed coup. Moreover, Turkey's second 1974 invasion was launched after Cyprus' constitutional government had already been reinstated.

Within a matter of weeks Turkish forces killed thousands of Greek Cypriots—resulting in exponentially more fatalities than the dozens killed during years of inter-communal skirmishing, deceptively characterized by Ecevit as a "genocide". Operation Attila, as Turkey's military called its invasion, had little to do with the protection of Cypriot Turks—its objective was the ethnic cleansing of 200,000 of the island's native population through the use of killings, rapes and mass executions to wrest control of Cyprus' northern territory.

Given that Greece's burgeoning Turkish minority has enjoyed far greater religious, political, civil and economic freedoms than Turks in occupied Cyprus and in Turkey itself, apologists of the invasion should be hard-pressed to argue that, had Turkey not invaded, Cyprus' union with Greece would have resulted in the destruction of Cyprus' Turkish minority.

Pretexts for the invasion invoking the defense of Cyprus' Turks did not become creditable until years later, after memories had faded and after history was gradually rewritten to accommodate the West's current policy of appeasement towards Turkey. A more sincere treatment of the invasion would have indicated that the motivations behind it were strategic and not humanitarian.

That Turkey's invasion had little to do with any genuine concern about Cyprus' Turkish minority is evinced by the fact that the importing of Turkey's regressive political and economic regime, and of thousands of Turkish settlers with it, has resulted in the flight of up to half of Cyprus' indigenous Turks, who now seek greater political and economic freedom elsewhere.

Ecevit's distortion of Cypriot history arises from the same deeply ingrained ethic of reflexive denial that has led Turkish apologists to deny past and present horrors—from the Armenian Genocide earlier this century, to the ethnic cleansing of Kurds and Cypriots today—pervading every aspect of Turkey's self-evaluation and continuing to stunt its moral and political development.

The Post's publication of Weymouth's interview is shameful as it amounts to nothing short of a public relations piece on behalf of an authoritarian government with one of the worst human rights records on earth. Your readers, and your paper's reputation, deserve far better.

The Post now has a countervailing responsibility to offer equal time to views countering Ecevit's misleading assertions, and further owes its readers access to perspectives that more accurately portray the realities of modern-day Turkey. To this end I have attached an Op-Ed submission to The Washington Post. In addition, I urge the Post to arrange for comparable interviews with the President of Cyprus, and with the Prime Minister or Foreign Minister of Greece.

Along with The New York Times, The Washington Post is increasingly being viewed as a mouthpiece for State Department and other support of Turkey's agenda here. Features such as your Ecevit interview substantially contribute to this perception and undermine the public's confidence in the Post's commitment to responsible, impartial and ethical journalism.

Very truly yours,

P. D. Spyropoulos, Esq.
Executive Director

cc:
Donald Graham, Chairman of the Board, CEO, Publisher
Stephen Coll, Managing Editor
Philip Bennett, Foreign Desk Editor
Stephen Rosenfeld, Editorial Page Editor
Martha McAteer, Letters to the Editor Editor

(3)

THE WASHINGTON POST

VIA E-MAIL: To submit a letter to the Editor via e-mail, surf to http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/edit/letters/letterform.htm

To contact other staff members at the Post:
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BY FAX:
Leonard Downe, Executive Editor &
Stephen Coll, Managing Editor:
202-334-7502

BY PHONE:
(202) 334-7480
(202) 334-7528

BY MAIL:
The Washington Post
1150 15th St., NW
Washington, DC 20071

_________________

NEWSWEEK
Letters@newsweek.com

TEL:
(800) 631-1040
(212) 445-4000

(4)

The Washington Post

Q & A Turkey's Prime Optimist

Sunday, October 24, 1999; Page B01

At age 74, Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit may turn out to be Turkey's Tony Blair. A former anti-American socialist who took office in April, Ecevit is a changed man. Last week, he talked with Newsweek contributing editor and Washington Post columnist Lally Weymouth about his efforts to propel his country toward a market economy, enact human rights reforms and promote Turkey's candidacy for the European Union.

The key to Turkey's entrance into the EU now appears to be movement on the intractable Cyprus conflict. Ecevit, who was prime minister in 1974 when Turkish troops invaded Cyprus, has the moral force to get talks going. Will he? The question hangs in the air as President Clinton prepares to visit Istanbul for next month's 54-nation Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) summit.

How do you see Turkey's relationship with the United States?

Our relations with the United States improved in recent years. When the [Cold War] ended, most political circles in Europe thought Turkey's influence had decreased. But the United States realized that Turkey's importance would increase.

But at the moment, our relations are at a rather low ebb. Our trade volume with the United States is only $6 billion per annum. This year, it decreased. Tourism has become very important for Turkey, but American tourists constitute only 5 percent of those who come here. Joint investments are well below their potential.

However, there is increasing cooperation between our countries in the military sphere. With the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact, the zone of action of NATO widened, and the leadership of the United States and Turkey contributed to this process. . . . We have been cooperating with the United States on Iraq as well. All this increased our military burdens, but military assistance from the United States has been cut off.

You used to be a critic of the United States. Has your view of the world changed over the years?

The world has changed, and everybody has to adapt to change.

When you met with President Clinton at the White House, did you agree to jump-start the talks on Cyprus?

We didn't go into details. He said that a return to the pre-1974 conditions could not be contemplated. [Cyprus has been divided into Turkish and Greek sectors since 1974, when Turkey sent troops to protect Turkish Cypriots after a short-lived coup by supporters of union with Greece.] He expressed the hope that talks would start. . . .

Do you believe that Turkey will become a candidate for European Union membership at the Helsinki summit in December?

It is our right to become a member. I am confident that sooner or later the EU will extend a real invitation without imposing unacceptable political conditions.

Won't some kind of talks on Cyprus have to be underway for Greece not to veto Turkey's entry into the EU?

Would you like to see a settlement of the Cyprus conflict?

No talks until that happens?

Proximity talks. [Turkish Cypriot leader] Rauf Denktash accepted the idea of proximity talks.

Will those talks start soon in New York?

I would suggest Cyprus--it's a beautiful island.

There has been a big change in the atmosphere between Greece and Turkey. Is this going to lead to the end of the strife between these two countries?

I hope so. I always believed that a real dialogue between the two nations would solve the basic issues. Of course, the earthquake [after which Greece sent aid to Turkey] added a welcome impact to the dialogue already started between the two foreign ministers. It would not be realistic to expect to address the basic issues immediately--the Aegean, the continental shelf, sea-bed rights, territorial waters. The dialogue should be established on economic and cultural matters and [we should] try to eradicate psychological obstacles.

Would you be willing to make an official trip to Athens?

It's too early to think of that, but I hope to meet Greek Prime Minister Costas Simitis at the OSCE summit.

How difficult will it be for your government to meet the International Monetary Fund's stringent requirements [for a loan]?

We have already taken serious and brave measures to put the economy on its feet and reduce inflation and high interest rates. We have cut expenditures as much as possible and enacted constitutional amendments to introduce international arbitration and privatization, social security reform and a banking law.

In November, you will go to Moscow and perhaps sign [an agreement] for additional gas purchases. What is Turkey's energy priority--the trans-Caspian pipeline supported by the United States, or gas from Moscow?

The trans-Caspian pipeline is certainly a priority. But we had signed an agreement with the Russian federation and have to abide by our engagements.

You have made improvements in human rights and have given journalists amnesty from jail sentences. Are you now going to enact changes to the penal code so that writers will no longer fear jail sentences?

We have already taken some concrete steps in ameliorating the situation and will encourage steps in that direction. We need some constitutional amendments to further increase the scope of expression. We have been living with separatist terrorism for 15 years, which renders it difficult to take some steps in the direction of freedom of expression.

Will there be more freedom of expression for Kurds who want to use their own language?

It is legal to use the Kurdish language. There are periodicals in Kurdish, cassettes in Kurdish.

What about schools, TV and radio?

The terrorism should end before we can take certain substantial steps because the public is very sensitive in this regard.

Turkey is one of the linchpins against [Muslim] fundamentalism. How great is the threat from fundamentalism?

Fundamentalism lost ground in Turkey during the last elections. There was a substantial increase in votes for my party, which has been in the forefront of supporting secularism. The people are disturbed at the exploitation of religion for political purposes.

It has been said in the past that you were soft on Saddam Hussein.

We are afraid of a partitioning of Iraq. It would upset the balance in the region. We are afraid that certain steps might lead to the virtual partition.

[Steps such as] U.S. aid to the Iraqi opposition in the north?

It's obvious that results cannot be obtained by giving support to the opposition in the diaspora. I don't think they can be influential. But the people in northern Iraq can contribute to the relative democratization of Iraq if they establish an effective dialogue with the Baghdad regime.

Saddam is not too interested in talking about democracy.

Few talk about democracy in the Middle East. We are seriously disturbed at the possible effects of continuing this virtual partition of Iraq. It may increase the threat of separatism in Turkey.

Can Saddam be overthrown?

We have to live with the regime. You can't forcefully change the regime.

Why won't you meet with the Iraqi opposition?

I've met with [Jalal] Talabani and [Massoud] Barzani [Kurdish leaders in northern Iraq]. But we don't want to. . . encourage the Iraqi opposition in the diaspora to overthrow the regime in Baghdad. This was tried but failed a few years ago.

Turkey has PKK [Kurdish Workers' Party] leader Abdullah Ocalan in jail. [Ocalan was convicted of treason in June and sentenced to die for leading a violent 14-year campaign against Turkey.] You have always opposed capital punishment. What will Ocalan's fate be?

I can't express any views because any view I expressed would appear as trying to influence the courts.

Is corruption a major problem in this country?

Not anymore. We have enacted new legislation against corruption.

Do you see President Clinton's November visit to Turkey as significant?

Certainly. Very significant. He is most welcome and we are proud that he will address the [Turkish] parliament. It demonstrates Turkey's friendship with the United States.

Turkey holds the key to the water supply for northern Israel. What are your plans?

We can supply Israel with water and southern [Greek] Cyprus, too. We've already started supplying water to the northern [Turkish] part with a new technology--balloons [filled with fresh water and launched] from the Turkish coast to northern Cyprus. We have a pipeline projected also.

When you look ahead to the new millennium, what do you hope to see for Turkey?

Turkey is destined to play a very important role in the region and the world, there's no doubt about that.

How is your health? There are rumors about it.

I have no health problems, but some may wish I had.

(5)

Newsweek

November 1, 1999

INTERVIEW

'Everybody Has to Change'

Once a hard-liner, Turkey's prime minister wants peace with Greece and economic ties to Europe

At a 54-nation Istanbul summit in November, President Clinton will meet with Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit. Once an anti-American socialist, Ecevit was prime minister when Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974, dividing the island. Today he is moving his country toward a free market. He also has the political standing to bring about a breakthrough on Cyprus, which could open the way to Turkey's entry into the European Union. Will he do so? Ecevit, 74, talked last week with NEWSWEEK's Lally Weymouth.

WEYMOUTH: How is Turkey's relationship with the United States?

ECEVIT: At the moment our relations are at a rather low ebb. Our annual trade volume with the United States is only $6 billion, and this year it decreased. Tourism is important for Turkey, but Americans constitute just 5 percent of those who come here. Joint investments are below their potential. There is increasing military cooperation, but U.S. military assistance has been cut off.

When you met with President Clinton in September, did you agree to jump-start the talks on Cyprus?

We didn't go into details. He expressed the hope that talks would start [soon].

You used to be a critic of America. Has your view changed over the years?

The world has changed, and everybody has to adapt to change.

Do you believe that Turkey will become a candidate for European Union membership at the Helsinki summit in December?

Turkey should become a candidate; it is our right to become a member. Sooner or later the EU will extend a real invitation without unacceptable political conditions.

Won't talks on Cyprus have to be underway for Greece not to veto Turkey's entry?

We don't believe that a serious problem exists on Cyprus. Before the Turkish action in 1974, there was constant conflict on the island—either genocide against the Turks or factional conflicts between Greeks. Since then, there has been uninterrupted peace.

Would you like to see a Cyprus settlement?

I would certainly like a settlement to be reached, not only on Cyprus but between Turkey and Greece. But we cannot risk another genocide against Turks on the island. The fact that there are two completely independent states on the island should be recognized. Diplomatic recognition may not be given, but it should be acknowledged that there are two different autonomous entities. [At the moment, only the Greek part of Cyprus has international recognition.]

No talks until that happens?

Proximity talks.

Will those talks start soon in New York?

I would suggest Cyprus—it's beautiful.

There has been a big change in atmosphere between Greece and Turkey. Is this going to lead to peace?

I hope so. I always believed that a real dialogue between the two nations would solve the basic issues. Of course, the earthquake [in August, after which Greece sent aid to Turkey] had a welcome impact on the dialogue already started between the two foreign ministers. It is not realistic to expect the basic issues to be immediately addressed—the Aegean, the continental shelf, seabed rights, territorial waters. The dialogue should be on economic and cultural matters.

Would you be willing to make an official trip to Athens?

It's too early to think of that, but I hope to meet Prime Minister Costas Simitis at the summit in Istanbul next month.

In November, you will go to Moscow and perhaps sign a bill for additional gas purchases. What is Turkey's energy priority, the trans-Caspian pipeline supported by the United States or gas from Moscow?

The trans-Caspian pipeline is a priority. But we had signed an agreement with the Russian Federation and have to abide by our agreements.

It has been said in the past that you were soft on Saddam Hussein.

We are afraid of partitioning Iraq. It would upset the balance in the region and may increase the threat of separatism in Turkey.

Steps such as U.S. aid to the Iraqi opposition in the north?

Nothing can be obtained by supporting the opposition. They can't be influential. But the people in northern Iraq could contribute to the relative democratization of Iraq if they established a dialogue with Baghdad.

Can Saddam be overthrown?

We have to live with the regime. You can't forcefully change the regime.

How do you feel about the U.S. bombing of northern Iraq from Turkish air bases?

We have been cooperating with the United States, but we have our concerns.

There are rumors that you are not well...

I have no health problems, but some may wish I had.

(6)

American Hellenic Media Project
P.O. Box 1150
New York, N.Y. 10028-0008
ahmp@hri.org
www.ahmp.org

Via e-mail & post

October 26, 1999

To the Editor of The Washington Post:

Lally Weymouth's interview with Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit ("Turkey's Prime Optimist", Sunday, 10/24; p. B1) erroneously stated that "Turkey sent troops [to Cyprus] to protect Turkish Cypriots". Inter-communal fighting had ended years before Turkey's 1974 invasion and after Turkish Cypriots had already seceded into autonomous enclaves. The Greek-backed coup which served as the pretext for Turkey's invasion was a bid for control of Cyprus' government and not a campaign to attack Cyprus' Turkish minority -- the Turkish Cypriot community was neither harmed nor targeted during the failed coup.

Within a matter of weeks Turkish forces killed thousands of Greek Cypriots -- resulting in exponentially more fatalities than the dozens killed during years of inter-communal skirmishing, deceptively characterized by Ecevit as a "genocide". Operation Attila, as Turkey's military called its invasion, had little to do with the protection of Cypriot Turks—its objective was the ethnic cleansing of 200,000 of the island's native population through the use of killings, rapes and mass executions to wrest control of Cyprus' northern territory.

Very truly yours,

P. D. Spyropoulos, Esq.
Executive Director

___________

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